parburypolitica
Monday, November 06, 2006
  Half new Tory MP's defy Cameron and other gems
I have chanced upon an interesting website Revolts.co.uk. It is “The definitive source for academic analysis of backbench behaviour in Britain“ and as such has some seriously interesting nuggets of information that would benefit from a wider audience.

30 of the 53 Conservative MPs first elected in 2005 (57 per cent) have now defied the party line since the last election. Of these 30, all except one have rebelled against the frontbench line since David Cameron was first elected leader of the Conservative party on 6 December last year. Put another way, well over half of the new intake of Tory MPs – 55 per cent to be exact - have already defied David Cameron’s leadership.

Tommy McAvoy has been in the Government whips office since this government began in 1997. In July he broke the record as the longest serving post-war whip, and on 26 August he broke the record held by David Margesson – once described as ‘the total whip’ – as the longest continuously serving Government whip on record.

Last Tuesday (10 October) saw two large(ish) Tory backbench rebellions after the Second Reading debate on the Corporate Manslaughter and Corporate Homicide Bill. Although the Second Reading vote passed without a division, 25 Conservatives opposed the Bill’s programme motion, as the Conservative frontbench chose to abstain. Then, immediately afterwards, 21 Tory backbenchers opposed the carry-over motion, again with the frontbench abstaining. Under the current law, corporate manslaughter prosecutions can only proceed if gross negligence can be proved against individual senior managers. The bill aims to broaden the offence of corporate manslaughter to cover collective failings or gross negligence in a company beyond merely senior managers.

MPs voted on a series of reforms to the legislative process and to members’ allowances including a new consituency mail out entitlement. Many of the changes were passed without any discussion (or even mention) at all outside the House, including the wider use of the Special Standing Committee procedure for the consideration of Government bills, a reform which could do more to improve the quality of parliamentary scrutiny of bills than any other reform in the last twenty years.
 
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